By the Jew Theodore N. Kaufman
1. GERMANY MUST PERISH
GERMANY MUST PERISH presents a plan for the structure of a permanent and lasting peace among civilized nations. It bases its thesis on the eventual defeat of Germany by the British Empire and its Allies, without the assistance of the United States.
However should circumstances decree that the American public cast its ballot in favor of war as a measure of self-defense (and it is the fervent prayer of the author that this may never happen) it would become paramount that the lives of our native sons not be sacrificed in vain as were their fathers' lives a generation ago.
If our soldiers must go forth to kill or die in battle, at least let them be given not alone a Slogan but a Solemn Purpose and a Sacred Promise.
Let that Purpose be an Enduring Peace
And, this time, that Promise must be kept!
Today's War is not a war against Adolf Hitler.
Nor is it a war against the Nazis.
It is a war of peoples against peoples; of civilized peoples envisioning Light, against uncivilized barbarians [Germans] who cherish Darkness.
Of the people of those nations who would surge forward hopefully into a new and better phase of life, pitted against the peoples of a nation who would travel backward enthusiastically into the dark ages. It is a struggle between the German nation and humanity.
Hitler is no more to be blamed for this German war than was the Kaiser for the last one. Nor Bismarck before the Kaiser. These men did not originate or wage Germany's wars against the world. They were merely the mirrors reflecting centuries-old inbred lust of the German nation for conquest and mass murder.
This war is being waged by the German People. It is they who are responsible. It is they who must be made to pay for the war. Otherwise, there will always be a German war against the world. And with such a sword forever hanging overhead the civilized nations of the world, no matter how great their hopes, how strenuous their efforts, will never succeed in creating that firm and solid foundation of permanent peace which they must first establish if ever they intend to start the building of a better world.
For not only must there be no more German wars in fact; there must not even remain the slightest possibility of one ever occurring. A Final Halt to German aggression, not a temporary cessation, must be the goal of the present struggle.
This does not mean an armed mastery over Germany, or a peace with political or territorial adjustment, or a hope based on a defeated and repentant nation. Such settlements are not sufficiently conclusive guarantees of no more German aggression.
This time Germany has forced a Total War upon the world.
As a result, she must be prepared to pay a Total Penalty.
And there is one, And Only One, such total Penalty: Germany must perish forever!
In fact --not in fancy!
Daily the truth is being impressed upon us by observation, and upon others less fortunate by bombs, that the German doctrine of force is not one based upon either political expediency or economic necessity. The personal war-lust of those who lead the German people is but a component part of the war lust which exists as a whole in the German masses. German leaders are not isolated from the will of the German people because apart from this will they could not come into being or exist at all. The personal inspiration, the motivation, even the acquiescence to their deeds are one and all drawn by German leader from the very depths of the German national soul.
Far too often the claim has been made that the present German drive toward world-dominion is only street gangsterism practiced on an organized national scale, deriving principally from the lowest classes, the dregs of Germany. Such a claim is not sustained by fact, for the same lust, the same brute force which the Germans display today under the rule of the so-called "low class Nazis," they also displayed in 1914, at a time when the "highest classes " and the "noblest specimens" capable of being produced by the German nation, the Junkers, ruled chat land. And a vast number of Germany's intellectuals, another German "high-class" sat as members in the German Reichstag!
No! The problem of Germanism must not again be passed along to the next generation. The world must never again be stretched and tortured on the German rack. Ours is the problem; ours the solution. The world has learned, with a knowledge born of tragedies too numerous, too horrible to record, that regardless of what leader or class rules Germany war will be waged against it by that country, because the force which compels it to action is an inseparable part of the mass-soul of that nation.
True that soul, at one time might have been otherwise fashioned.
But that time was in the civilized cycle of a thousand years ago. Now it is too late.
We know that our men of 1917 did not. They had no precedent on which to base their experience. We have not that excuse today. Their futile sacrifices and their empty efforts must today dictate our own actions and decisions.
We are paying today for the lack of experience of the last generation in dealing with the peoples of the German nation. When and if the time comes for us to take similar decision and action we must not repeat their mistake. The cost is far too great; not alone for us, but for all future generations.
We must bring ourselves to realize that no leader can govern
Germany at all unless, in some manner, he embodies the spirit and
expresses the war-soul existent in the majority of her peoples.
"Majority" is used advisedly for in speaking of the masses which
compose a nation it must be impartially conceded that some traction
of that mass must perforce vary from it. Consequently no unfair
contention is here being made that everyone in Germany is guilty of
its heinous offenses against the world. In fact we shall, in pursuing
our point, favor Germany by allowing that as much as 20% of her
population is entirely guiltless of complicity in her crimes, as well
as being foreign to any share of her war-soul. We therefore grant,
for argument's sake, that some 15,000,000 Germans are absolutely
BUT- shall Poles, Czechs, Slovaks, Austrians, Norwegians, Dutch, Belgians, Frenchmen, Greek, Englishmen, Irishmen, Scotsmen, Canadians, Australians and Americans - for we too may ultimately feel the spike of the German boot - shall all these peoples, numbering some 300,000,000 of the most civilized, most enlightened on earth suffer constantly and face unnatural death every generation so that some small part of Germany's populace may continue to exist? Art those 15,000,000 Germans so valuable, so indispensable to mankind that 300,000,000 guiltless men, women and children shall fight a war with Germany every time she so decrees? Shall perpetual struggle against the German be the only future facing civilized peoples? Why breed children while Germany breeds war?
Are not the Dutch a sober and thrifty people? Are not the French cultured? Art not the Czechs industrious? Are not the Poles deeply attached to land, family and God? Are not the Scandinavians a decent people? Are not the Greeks brave and fearless? Are not the English, Irish, Scotch and American freedom-loving and progressive people? And in very simple arithmetic are not these 300,000,000 more than 15,000,000 Germans?
If Democracy as Americans know it is majority rule in a national sense, it must he so in an international sense as well. The greatest good for the greatest number is Democracy's rule of thumb; to fight for world Democracy is to secure the rights of the majority of democratic peoples against the incursion made upon diem by any autocratic minority.
If this is not so, why conscript a vast army for Democracy's defense? Why train American soldiers to murder a hypothetical enemy of Democracy, when the Will which spawned this enemy waxes and grows with each successive blood-bath?
In 1917 American soldiers, as those of every other major nation, were forced to murder by the millions. What for?
Suppose we are forced again to kill? For wars are won only by such
killing, not by dying. Again what for? Another sell-out? Is
selling-out our soldiers to become a national habit? For quite
patently, to fight once more in democratic defense against Germany
with any goal in view save that country's extinction constitutes,
even though it lose the war, a German victory. To fight, to win, and
not this time to end Germanism forever by exterminating completely
those people who spread its doctrine is to herald the outbreak of
another German war within a generation.
Let us then beware, for it is not illogical to assume that some day the soldier, if constantly martialed and regimented against his will, may emerge from underneath the time-worn cloak of duty and come, like labor, capital and civilian to demand his "rights." It must not be unreasonable to conjecture that a soldier must have rights too, as well as duties. Certainly, a man forced against his instinct to kill has rights; perhaps not the rights of wages and hours, nor the rights of profits, nor the rights of untrammeled speech against his superiors, which in a military sense spells catastrophe. No, none of these; just a few simple rights - three of which would appear his incontestable duty to demand: one, that he be adequately supplied with the proper arms in sufficient quantities so that there be a maximum of speed attached to his "killing," -secondly, that he be not betrayed by fifth-columnists who must, in war time, be summarily dispatched, by imprisonment or execution, and lastly, of the primest importance, that he receive a definite avowal by his government guaranteeing him once and for all time that this whole ghastly, horrible business of killing the Germans is at an end; that his son may know peace without having to kill for lt.
If such a guarantee be not vouchsafed him before his struggle, or be not upheld after his struggle, as it was not the last time, (though. the Generals knew, among them our own Pershing, that Germany at that time should have been unalterably snuffed out) may he not then take such action in his own hands? Granting labor has the right to strike when its rights are violated, granting that capital withhold itself from circulation when it feels its usage unprofitable, granting that the civilian feels tyrannized when his civil liberties are jeopardized, what course may the soldier not take once he realizes he has been cheated, once too often, out of that for which he killed?
When the day of reckoning with Germany comes, as come it will, there will be only one obvious answer. No statesman or politician or leader responsible for post-war settlements will have the right to indulge in the personal luxury of false sentiment and specious sanctimony and declare that Germany, misled by her leaders, shall deserve the right of resurrection! He will not be permitted this time to forget so easily the bombblasted, earthentombed millions of women and children who lived through a hell on earth; the bullet-ridden, tank-crushed bodies of soldiers; the many countries whose energies were sapped and resources drained. And most of all, he will not be permitted to disregard the unselfish sacrifices made by the common people so that the beast that is Germany shall never roam on earth again!
It is a definite obligation which the world owes to those who
struggled and died against the German yesterday, and to those who are
fighting him again today, as it is the bounden duty of the present
generation to those yet unborn, to make certain that the vicious
fangs of the German serpent shall never strike again. And since the
Venom of those fangs derives its fatal poison not from within the
body, but from the war-soul of the German, nothing else would assure
humanity safety and security but that that war-soul be forever
expunged, and the diseased carcass which harbors it be forever
removed from this world. There is no longer any alternative;
Germany Must Perish!
This war, with its harrowing miseries, its indescribable German devastations, its unutterable German atrocities is born of the war-soul of those barbarians of whom Machiavelli, writing over tour hundred years ago, observed:
"German towns are at little or no expense in any thing, but in laying up military stores and making good their fortifications . . . on holidays instead of other diversion, the Germans are taught the use of weapons."
History repeats itself.
We can remove a tiger from his natural environment, his lair in the jungle, and with patience so tame him that eventually he will respond to our caress, feed from our hand and perform at our command. The more acquiescent he becomes in response to this outward conditioning, the more deceived are we in believing that his jungle days have been forgotten. The is a fatal deception. For in inevitably there comes a time when the tiger-soul within theca tiger drives him again to the use of fang and claw. In that inexorable response to that irresistible soul-force, the tiger reverts once again to jungle lore. He becomes, again, a killer.
And so it is with the people of Germany. They may respond for a while to civilizing forces; they may seemingly adopt the superficial mannerisms and exterior behaviorisms of civilized peoples but all the while there remains ever present within them that war-soul which eventually drives them, as it does the tiger, to kill. And no amount of conditioning, or reasoning, or civilizing past, present or future will ever be able to change this basic nature. For if no impress has been made upon this war-soul over a period of some two thousand years is it to he expected that of a sudden, on the morrow, this miracle will occur?
This analogous linking of the people of Germany with savage beast is no vulgar comparison. I feel no more personal hatred for these people than I might feel for a herd of wild animals or a cluster of poisonous reptiles. One does not hate those whose souls can exude no spiritual warmth; one pities them. If the German people wish to live by themselves, in darkness, it would he strictly their own affair. But when they make constant attempts to enshroud theca souls of other people in those fetid wrappings which cloak their own, it becomes time to remove them from the realm of civilized mankind among which they can have no place, or right to existence.
We need not condemn theca Germans. They stand self-condemned. For it suffices us to read and hear those words written and spoken only by Germans; to observe deeds performed solely by Germans; to endure sufferings and dislocations caused solely by the German people in pursuit of their megalomaniacal ideals and demonic aspirations to realize that it is the Germans themselves who decree, almost demand, their ostracism from their fellowman. They have lost theca wish to be human beings. They are but beasts; they must be dealt with as such.
This is an objective viewpoint, carefully considered and factually
sustained It is the view taken of them in this book.
Naturally there are men in the world, our own country included, who think otherwise and who would deal differently with the German menace. It is the custom of such men to take; what they call, a "sensible" view of the problems and progress of humanity. These men would rely upon fate to fashion the future. They would, in effect, permit the Germans to conquer and enslave the world by explaining, in terms whose degree of vociferousness is dependent upon the extent of their own personal motive or gain, that German world-dominion cannot last forever; that at some future date Germany would ultimately lose its iron grip upon the world and then enslaved mankind would come to free itself again. Or, if neither collusion nor surrender seems palatable to their listeners, they would suggest a compromise with the Germans, the so-called "Negotiated Peace."
These are soulless postulates. They can originate only in men whose hearts and souls are still held captive by the marine life of their origin; human species of spineless jellyfish floundering about in the waters of yesteryear. These are men of the past forever living in that past. Men who, being incapable of mastering their own intellectual and spiritual primitivism, seek to drag others down with them to the murky depths and stygian blackness which surround their own pitiful existence.
These are the men, indeed, who witnessing the actual enslavement of such civilized and humane peoples as the Austrians, Czechs, Poles, French, Dutch, Norwegian and Belgians would all too willingly close their eyes and simulate disbelief in that which is stark and dread reality. These are men who with fatalism as their creed come intellectually to be anesthetized by it; who, proclaiming fate an ally, have become its most pathetic servants.
Fortunately, such men are not yet in the majority nor will they be unless Germany can harness, employ or bribe enough of them to spread the German netherworld doctrines throughout the earth. But even as a minority the danger which these "appeasers" represent is none the less real and they must be harshly dealt with. For by such actions as they may take under the cloak of "unquestioned patriotism" it is apparent that they would not be so unless, within their own soul there existed some part complementary to the war-soul of the German. These other appeasers whose integrity is doubtful and patriotism questionable those who advocate the principles of Germanism are downright traitors to their country. And when, as and if a government can not or refuses to treat them as such, may it not come in time to depend upon the people, whose lives and liberty are at stake, to do so! I have no desire that this work be considered as a means of encouraging war for this or any other nation.
As a human being I deplore war; as a civilized member of a civilized nation I hate it.
I hate war not alone for the sufferings, misery, tragedy and senseless waste which follows in its path, but even more because I consider it to be the still-unsecured umbilical cord which binds the moral and spiritual embryo of man to the physical womb of the beast-instinct. And I know that so long as that cord remains uncut social evolution and human progress must rest forever upon an impermanent and insecure basis. And too, that so long as war persists there will never come into being that world peace out of which, some day, a world confederation of nations will be born. For it is such a confederation which is the ultimate aim and absolute inevitability of the human race.
Peace! Hardly a man, woman or child lives who has not heard the word! Throughout the ages it has been a subject of more discussion and debate than any other single problem of mankind. In the halls of government great orators have loudly extolled its virtues. The great prophets of every religion on earth have preached its gospel and catalogued its benefits to world humanity. And in all the world we find that peace is the common denominator which binds together the people of all nations, all color and races, in common thought and prayer.
Why then, after passing through thousands of years such great desire and yearning have we failed to find peace? Why is it that after such a prolonged period time not one single practical and enduring step has be taken toward its absolute realization? Certainly no one man or group of men shall be born tomorrow who shall exceed in knowledge and excel in ability all those great men who have written, spoken and preached about peace over the long past. What shall we do then? Throw up our hands and give up? Shall we have done with peace by exclaiming that it does not exist because it cannot?
That it is an unobtainable abstract?
I do not believe that it is any such thing. I sincere believe that peace on earth can come to exist as a permanent condition of living. But believing in it as I do, I would not expect it to arrive, on some fine morning, knock on my door, and suddenly announce its presence!
No, it will never come of itself !
I believe that peace can be produced, not merely conceived. But
never so long as war persists.
Then why does war still exist?
Simply because it has not been made impossible for it to be waged.
There is only one way to abolish war: impose a penalty of such dire magnitude and frightful consequence upon aggressor peoples as to render it virtually impossible for any nation to start a war.
War must be fought not with weapons of ever increasing destructiveness but with penalties infinitely more frightful and hazardous than war itself.
This hook sincerely believes that it has found such a penalty; and by its imposition upon the people of Germany, this hook believes that not only would a great scourge be removed from the world, but a great good born to it.
Note: The majority of authors dealing with Germanism have treated
that subject purely as a product of modern times born after the last
world-war and since developed solely by Hitler and his Nazis. The
reader, in pursuing the subsequent chapters on Germanism, will find
out for himself just how mistaken those authors are in their
viewpoint. And since the German quotations and German writings are so
contemporaneously apropos though they were all written prior to the
last world war I have thought it advisable, lest they be considered
"fabricated" to append a bibliography to this
TABLE OF CONTENTS
I. ABOUT THIS BOOK
This war is not Hitler's!
II. BACKGROUND OF GERMANISM
The destructive forces of the German war-soul.
III. ORGANIZED GERMANISM
A ruthless plan of world conquest.
IV. GERMANISM ABROAD
Early fifth-column tactics.
V. "BLESSED ARE THE WAR-MAKERS"
For they shall inherit oblivion.
VI. THE MIDDLE ROAD ?
Is there one?
VII. DEATH FOR GERMANY!
The Raven that croaketh Nevermore!
VIII. "LEST WE FORGET. . ."
The wave of the future.